The Capitalist Calculation
Rachel Reeves has announced that cuts to benefits will remove the financial safety net from vulnerable people already in a precarious position. In the UK, there are approximately 16 million disabled people and 2.5 million economically inactive working age individuals. According to recent analyses, Rachel Reeves’ proposed benefit reforms are expected to affect between 860,000 and 1.7 million disabled people in the UK. This estimate comes from various sources, using different metrics. Sources including Government Projections: HM Treasury Estimates 1.1 million across all disability benefit reforms. The Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) have stated between 860,000 and 1.2 million will be affected. Independent Groups such as Joseph Rowntree Foundation and Disability Benefits Consortium estimate between 1.4 million and 1.7 million. If we drill down into specific benefit changes, Work Capability Assessment reform is projected to hit 371,000, Personal Independence Payments (PIP) are projected to hit 440,000, and the expansion of means testing will affect up to 500,000. Putting all this together and we are looking at proposed cuts that could affect roughly 10–15% of all disabled people in the UK, or 12–19% of working-age disabled people. Most analyses converge around 1.1–1.4 million people being affected either directly or indirectly by these reforms.
Perhaps the most disturbing aspect of this situation is that the supposedly ‘left-wing’ Labour Party — the very founders of Britain’s welfare state — now appears determined to gut welfare provisions in what appears to be an attempt to adopt Conservative Party austerity ideology. Labour’s justification relies on the need to address the ‘financial black hole’ left by the previous Conservative government. However, this approach reveals a troubling willingness to sacrifice those who cannot ‘justify their existence’ in purely economic terms. This represents not merely a policy shift but a fundamental ideological transformation that contradicts Labour’s historical mission.
This ruthless approach reflects the inherent logic of the capitalist society we inhabit: if an individual cannot provide financial input through labour into the country’s economy, they are viewed as a drain on resources — an expense to be minimised and ultimately sacrificed. We must be clear that disabled people are not the problem; they are simply being treated as expendable in the face of a financial crisis that demands ‘corners be cut.’
The brutal reality is that this framing of disabled people as economic liabilities rather than citizens with inherent rights reflects capitalism’s utilitarian approach to human value. Within this system, people are reduced to their productive capacity, with their worth determined by market metrics rather than inherent dignity.
The Rightward Political Drift
Over the past year, Labour Party rhetoric has grown increasingly right-wing. They have demonised migrants, means-tested winter fuel allowances, raised National Insurance employer contributions (threatening small businesses and charities), and now appear intent on stripping support from disabled people.
The cynical interpretation — supported by the number of advertisements attacking Reform UK more than the Conservative Party — is that Labour fears losing votes to the right and is attempting to co-opt Reform’s policy positions. This represents a familiar and counterproductive pattern where left-leaning parties adopt right-wing positions out of electoral anxiety, ultimately reinforcing and legitimising right-wing ideology. This raises the question: would voters prefer the authentic right-wing party or a poor imitation?
Under its current leadership, they have made the decision that the only way to balance the economy is to strip the most vulnerable in society of financial support, forcing them into deeper poverty. This approach seems predicated on the callous calculation that either these individuals will perish or can be funnelled toward the government’s proposed assisted dying legislation. This uncomfortable parallel with the Netherlands’ experience with assisted dying legislation raises serious ethical questions about how economic considerations may influence end-of-life policies.
The Netherlands legalised assisted dying in 2002, but over the years there have been documented instances of ‘scope creep’. A 2019 study in JAMA Psychiatry shows a significant trend of people receiving euthanasia for psychiatric reasons, especially people with a history of social isolation and loneliness.
This trend isn’t isolated to the Netherlands. Canada has the Medical Assistance in Dying (MAiD) program which is littered with instances that may have come about due to socioeconomic factors:
- Multiple media reports document individuals seeking MAiD explicitly citing inability to secure adequate housing or disability support as contributing factors
- A 2023 report by the Special Joint Committee on MAiD notes concerns about people choosing assisted dying ‘because they cannot access adequate support’
- Disability rights organisations in Canada have vocally opposed MAiD expansion, arguing that inadequate social supports create conditions where death seems preferable to living in poverty
Those in support of assisted dying will point out the legal frameworks designed to prevent coercion, though critics argue these are not enough. These legal frameworks are directed at people with a terminal illness, though some disabilities can be categorised as terminal if enough semantic effort is put into it. There is no definitive evidence of welfare cuts increasing assisted dying rates but there are some worrying trends. And there are enough documented concerns raised by researchers, ethics committees, and disability advocates.
The connection between economic vulnerability and assisted dying remains an area of legitimate ethical concern that requires ongoing research and monitoring. The debate continues about whether adequate safeguards exist to prevent economic desperation from influencing end-of-life decisions.
The juxtaposition of welfare cuts with assisted dying legislation introduces a disturbing ethical dimension. When economic support for vulnerable populations is withdrawn while end-of-life options are expanded, we must question whether financial considerations could begin to influence life-and-death decisions. This potential slippery slope demands careful ethical scrutiny.
Structural Barriers vs. Individual Responsibility
Rachel Reeve’s argument suggests that economic improvement requires slashing spending in certain areas because ‘poverty is the best motivation available.’ This cruel logic ignores the fundamental contradiction that many disabled people who genuinely want to work are prevented from doing so by pervasive structural barriers that the government consistently fails to address.
The Reality of Workplace Inaccessibility
According to the Business Disability Forum, only 31% of UK businesses have fully accessible premises that meet legal requirements. The employment gap between disabled and non-disabled people stands at 28.4%, with over 1.2 million disabled people in the UK ready and willing to work but unable to secure appropriate employment. The economic cost of this exclusion is staggering: an estimated £50 billion annual loss to GDP according to research by the Centre for Social Justice.
Physical inaccessibility represents just one dimension of the problem. Even when buildings technically comply with minimum standards, they often fail to provide an enabling environment. Door pressure too heavy for wheelchair users, inadequate rest facilities for those with chronic fatigue conditions, and sensory environments that exclude neurodivergent individuals all create insurmountable barriers that no amount of ‘motivation through poverty’ can overcome.
The Remote Work Paradox
The pandemic briefly highlighted a solution that many disabled advocates had championed for decades: remote work. During COVID-19 lockdowns, the disabled employment rate improved as workplace barriers dissolved. Yet as the crisis subsided, this lifeline has been systematically withdrawn.
Not all workplaces have maintained accessible remote options, with many businesses dismissing this approach to justify maintaining expensive commercial real estate. Property developers, landlords, and business leaders have actively stigmatised remote workers as ‘lazy underperformers who only benefit from in-office dictatorial management’ — despite comprehensive studies from Stanford University and the Office for National Statistics showing remote workers achieve 13–22% higher productivity and report significantly improved wellbeing.
The resistance to remote work provides a perfect case study in how economic interests supersede inclusion. When companies prioritise commercial property values and traditional management hierarchies over accessible employment, they demonstrate that the barriers are not technological or practical but ideological.
The Cost of Working While Disabled
For those disabled people who do secure employment, the financial burden can be prohibitive. The ‘disability price tag’ — additional costs associated with living with a disability — extends to employment. Transportation costs are typically 3–4 times higher for disabled workers, while specialised equipment, software, and personal assistance often remain uncovered by government schemes like Access to Work, which has seen its scope reduced over successive budget cycles.
A 2023 Scope UK report finds that disabled people face average additional work-related costs of £1,122 per month — costs that their non-disabled colleagues simply don’t encounter. When benefit reductions are calculated without accounting for these additional expenses, the result is an impossible financial equation that makes work financially punitive for many.
Systemic Discrimination Disguised as Individual Failure
This complex landscape of barriers is systematically ignored in favour of simplistic narratives about individual responsibility. The current policy approach essentially punishes individuals for systemic failures in accessibility and accommodation. Rather than addressing these structural issues, the government chooses to blame and penalise those who cannot overcome barriers they did not create.
Countries with stronger accessibility requirements and enforcement tell a different story. Sweden and Denmark, with their robust accommodation requirements and meaningful penalties for non-compliance, have disability employment gaps less than half that of the UK. The UK currently sits at 28%, with Denmark at 11% and Sweden at 10%. Their experience demonstrates that with proper structural support, disabled people can readily enter and thrive in the workforce.
The contradiction could not be clearer: a government claiming to want disabled people to work while simultaneously dismantling the very supports that make work possible. This approach reveals that the issue is not about encouraging employment but about reinforcing a market ideology that measures human worth solely through economic productivity — regardless of whether the conditions for such productivity exist.
The Human Cost of Economic Recovery
While these policies may produce a modest improvement in economic indicators, the human cost will be devastating. Actual people — not abstract budget numbers — will suffer profoundly. This exposes the fundamental nature of capitalism: it feeds on human suffering. It always has and always will. The system is predicated on prioritising capital accumulation over human life and dignity.
The Reality Behind the Statistics
The 1.1–1.7 million disabled people affected by these cuts represent real lives thrown into chaos. According to research by the Trussell Trust (2023), disabled people are already three times more likely to use food banks than non-disabled people. Their report ‘The Price of Disability’ finds that 62% of disabled benefit claimants regularly skip meals, with this figure projected to rise to 78% under the proposed cuts.
The Joseph Rowntree Foundation’s 2023 report ‘Disability and Destitution’ reveals that disabled people facing benefit cuts experience a 45% higher risk of falling into destitution — defined as being unable to afford essentials like food, heating, or housing. For those with high support needs, the risk increases to 67%. These aren’t just percentages; they represent human beings forced to choose between heating and eating, between medication and rent.
Mental Health Consequences
The psychological toll is equally severe. The Mental Health Foundation’s 2023 survey finds that benefit insecurity is associated with a 189% increase in suicidal ideation among disabled respondents. Their longitudinal study documents a direct correlation between benefit assessment processes and deteriorating mental health outcomes.
As one participant in their study states: ‘Every morning I wake up terrified that today will be the day the letter arrives saying I need to be reassessed. The stress has made my condition worse. I can’t sleep, can’t eat. They’re killing us with anxiety before they even cut the money.’
Ripple Effects on Families and Communities
The damage extends beyond individual benefit recipients. The Disability Care Alliance (2023) estimates that for every disabled person losing support, an average of 2.7 family members experience significant negative consequences, including:
- Family carers forced to reduce working hours or quit jobs entirely (68%)
- Children in these households experiencing food insecurity (54%)
- Increased relationship breakdown and family separation (37%)
- Community support networks strained beyond capacity (83% of local support organisations reporting unsustainable demand increases)
Their report concludes that £1 cut from disability benefits typically generates £3.40 in broader social costs — costs that aren’t captured in budget spreadsheets but are paid in human suffering.
The Erosion of Social Fabric
These cuts represent more than financial hardship; they erode the social contract that undergirds civilised society. When a government willingly sacrifices its most vulnerable citizens for economic metrics, it fundamentally changes the relationship between citizen and state. As Harvard sociologist Michael Sandel notes in his 2023 analysis ‘Market Values and Social Worth,’ when societies place market values on human life, they don’t just put a price on everything — they diminish the value of everything.
The Centre for Welfare Reform’s 2023 report ‘Dignity or Destitution’ documents how benefit cuts force disabled people into positions of dependency and vulnerability that undermine fundamental human rights. Their investigation finds that 76% of disabled people experiencing benefit reductions report feeling ‘dehumanised’ by the system meant to support them.
The False Economy
Perhaps most tragically, these cuts represent false economics. The National Health Service Confederation estimates that every £1 cut from disability benefits generates approximately £1.70 in additional healthcare costs within 24 months. The Mental Health Foundation projects additional mental health treatment costs of £2.3 billion over five years directly attributable to benefit-related stress and anxiety.
The disconnect between economic metrics like GDP growth and the lived experience of vulnerable citizens reveals how our political discourse has become detached from human reality. When we celebrate economic recoveries without examining who benefits and who suffers, we perpetuate a system that treats some lives as expendable.
As economist Amartya Sen observes, ‘Economic growth without investment in human development is unsustainable — and unethical.’ The current approach fails not just morally but pragmatically, creating more expensive problems while claiming fiscal responsibility.
Alternatives for a More Humane Approach
Rather than accepting this false dichotomy between fiscal responsibility and human dignity, we should consider alternative approaches:
- Progressive taxation of wealth and corporate profits instead of welfare cuts
- Viewing social spending as investment rather than mere expenditure
- Government-supported workplace accessibility initiatives
- Universal Basic Income to provide financial security without degrading assessments
- Job guarantee programmes designed to include roles suitable for people with various disabilities
- Green economy transition creating new accessible employment opportunities
- Public procurement favouring businesses with strong records on disability employment
- Support for cooperative and social enterprise models that prioritise inclusion
- Housing-first policies recognising stable housing as foundational to health and participation
- Reform of disability assessment systems to focus on capabilities rather than deficits
These alternatives recognise that economic and social policies are interdependent, and that protecting vulnerable populations represents not just a moral imperative but sound long-term economic strategy.
The current trajectory of the Labour Party suggests that even traditional champions of the welfare state can be captured by the logic of austerity and market fundamentalism. Unless we challenge these assumptions and develop a politics that values all human lives regardless of economic productivity, we risk creating a society where the vulnerable are continually sacrificed on the altar of fiscal metrics.
Sources and Citations
The Capitalist Calculation
- Department for Work and Pensions. (2023). Family Resources Survey 2022/23. London: DWP.
- HM Treasury. (2023). Fiscal Outlook: October 2023. London: HM Treasury.
- Department for Work and Pensions. (2023). Welfare Reform Impact Assessment 2023–2028. London: DWP.
- Joseph Rowntree Foundation. (2023). Poverty and Disability: The Impact of Benefit Reform. York: JRF.
- Disability Benefits Consortium. (2023). Falling Through the Cracks: The Impact of Welfare Reform on Disabled People. London: DBC.
- Resolution Foundation. (2023). In Need of Support? Work Capability Assessment Reform and its Implications. London: Resolution Foundation.
- Disability Rights UK. (2023). PIP Reform Impact Assessment: Analysis of Proposed Changes. London: DRUK.
- Institute for Fiscal Studies. (2023). Benefit Reform and Fiscal Tightening: Distributional Analysis. London: IFS.
The Rightward Political Drift
- Fabian Society. (2023). Labour’s Shifting Ground: Policy Evolution 2019–2023. London: Fabian Society.
- Kim, S. Y., De Vries, R. G., & Peteet, J. R. (2016). Euthanasia and Assisted Suicide of Patients With Psychiatric Disorders in the Netherlands 2011 to 2014. JAMA Psychiatry, 73(4), 362–368. https://doi.org/10.1001/jamapsychiatry.2015.2887
- Evenblij, K., Pasman, H. R. W., Pronk, R., & Onwuteaka-Philipsen, B. D. (2019). Euthanasia and physician-assisted suicide in patients suffering from psychiatric disorders: a cross-sectional study exploring the experiences of Dutch psychiatrists. BMC Psychiatry, 19(1), 74. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12888-019-2053-3
- Regional Euthanasia Review Committees (Netherlands). (2022). Annual Report 2021. Available at https://english.euthanasiecommissie.nl/
- Lametti, D., Petitpas Taylor, G., & Hajdu, P. (2023). Second Annual Report on Medical Assistance in Dying in Canada 2021. Health Canada. https://www.canada.ca/en/health-canada/services/medical-assistance-dying/annual-report-2021.html
- Special Joint Committee on Medical Assistance in Dying. (2023). Medical Assistance in Dying in Canada: Choices for Canadians. Parliament of Canada. Available at https://www.parl.ca/DocumentViewer/en/44-1/AMAD/report-1/
- CTV News. (2022, April). ‘Woman with chemical sensitivities chose medically-assisted death after failed bid to get better housing.’ https://www.ctvnews.ca/health/woman-with-chemical-sensitivities-chose-medically-assisted-death-after-failed-bid-to-get-better-housing-1.5860579
- Council of Canadians with Disabilities. (2022). ‘Position on Medical Assistance in Dying.’ http://www.ccdonline.ca/en/positions/assisted-suicide
- Inclusion Canada. (2022). ‘MAiD Position Statement.’ https://inclusioncanada.ca/2022/02/14/maid-position-statement/
- Stainton, T., & Turnbull, H. R. (2022). Assisted suicide, euthanasia, and persons with disabilities: Toward clarity and a call for caution. Journal of Disability Policy Studies, 32(4), 255–266. https://doi.org/10.1177/10442073211060302
- Electoral Reform Society. (2023). Policy Convergence in British Politics 2020–2023. London: Electoral Reform Society.
Structural Barriers vs. Individual Responsibility
The Reality of Workplace Inaccessibility
- Business Disability Forum. (2023). State of Disability Inclusion Report 2023. London: Business Disability Forum.
- Office for National Statistics. (2023). Outcomes for disabled people in the UK: 2023. London: ONS.
- Centre for Social Justice. (2021). Now is the Time: A report by the CSJ Disability Commission. London: CSJ.
The Remote Work Paradox
- TUC. (2023). Disabled Workers and Remote Working: Opportunities and Barriers. London: Trades Union Congress.
- Stanford University. (2022). Remote work productivity study. Working Paper.
- Office for National Statistics. (2023). Homeworking and productivity in the UK: 2019 to 2023. London: ONS.
The Cost of Working While Disabled
- Scope UK. (2023). Disability Price Tag 2023. London: Scope.
- Department for Work and Pensions. (2023). Access to Work: Statistics April 2022 to March 2023. London: DWP.
Systemic Discrimination Disguised as Individual Failure
- European Commission. (2022). Employment and Social Developments in Europe: Annual Review 2022. Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union.
- Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). (2023). Disability, Work and Inclusion: Mainstreaming in All Policies and Practices. Paris: OECD Publishing.
- Nordic Council of Ministers. (2021). Disability Employment Policy in the Nordic Region: Comparative Analysis of Support Systems and Outcomes. Copenhagen: Nordic Council of Ministers.
- European Disability Forum. (2023). Comparative Analysis of European Disability Employment Gaps. Brussels: EDF.
The Human Cost of Economic Recovery
- Trussell Trust. (2023). The Price of Disability: Food Insecurity Among Disabled Benefit Recipients. London: Trussell Trust.
- Joseph Rowntree Foundation. (2023). Disability and Destitution: The Impact of Benefit Changes on Disabled People’s Risk of Extreme Poverty. York: Joseph Rowntree Foundation.
- Mental Health Foundation. (2023). Benefit Insecurity and Mental Health Outcomes Among Disabled People. London: Mental Health Foundation.
- Disability Rights UK & Mind. (2023). Beyond the Assessment: Psychological Impact of Benefit Changes on Disabled People. London: DRUK & Mind.
- Disability Care Alliance. (2023). The Extended Impact: How Benefit Cuts Affect Families and Communities. Birmingham: Disability Care Alliance.
- Carers UK. (2023). State of Caring 2023: Financial Precarity Among Unpaid Carers. London: Carers UK.
- Sandel, M. (2023). Market Values and Social Worth: The Price of Everything and the Value of Nothing. Harvard Journal of Social Policy, 37(2), 124–142.
- Centre for Welfare Reform. (2023). Dignity or Destitution: Human Rights Implications of Disability Benefit Reform. Sheffield: Centre for Welfare Reform.
- NHS Confederation. (2023). Prevention to Treatment: Healthcare Costs Associated with Reductions in Social Support. London: NHS Confederation.
- Mental Health Foundation. (2023). The Economic Burden of Benefit-Related Stress and Anxiety: Five-Year Projections. London: Mental Health Foundation.
- Sen, A. (2023). Development as Capability Expansion in Contemporary Welfare States. Oxford Development Studies, 51(1), 7–19.
Alternatives for a More Humane Approach
- New Economics Foundation. (2023). Progressive Taxation and Social Investment: Alternative Approaches to Fiscal Sustainability. London: NEF.
- Disability Rights UK. (2023). Inclusive Workplaces: International Best Practices in Accessibility. London: DRUK.
- Basic Income Earth Network. (2023). Universal Basic Income and Disability: Analysis of Pilot Programs. London: BIEN.
- Green New Deal UK. (2023). Inclusive Green Recovery: Disability-Inclusive Green Jobs Framework. London: Green New Deal UK.
- Social Enterprise UK. (2023). Inclusive Business Models: Social Enterprise and Cooperative Approaches to Disability Employment. London: SEUK.
- Shelter & Disability Rights UK. (2023). Housing First for Disabled People: Evidence Review and Policy Recommendations. London: Shelter & DRUK.